The peace talks had collapsed. Contending parties cannot agree on which areas will fall under the definition of ancestral domain. Since the qualifying word is ancestral, one would have to go to history books, who were there first and where. There were only two organized governments, the two Sultanates. The rest were just made up of clans and tribes led by tribal leaders, who were either religious leaders, men of wisdom or men of battle. They owe no allegiance to anyone except to themselves and to their kindred.
Since there were no organized governments in the areas away from the sultanates, property rights were nonexistent. There was no personal property only tribal property. Slash and burn farming was practiced, when the land is no longer as productive as it was first farmed, the farmers moved elsewhere. When the Philippine government opened Mindanao for settlers, the landless from Luzon and Visayas either homesteaded or bought land from the natives for a pittance.
Braving tropical diseases, the settlers developed the land and prospered.
Christians came to Moroland first as traders. Some eventually settled as farmers.
The settlers did not establish themselves in the midst of the Muslim communities but acquired land at the fringes. Cordial relations existed and the Muslims seeing the faster upwards mobility of the more sophisticated settlers, emulated them, sending their children to schools. Many prospered but prosperity sometimes generate envy.
There are those who refused to adopt. Since local governments are always under the more educated Christians, they who styled themselves as the Moro National Liberation Front wanted a government of their own with laws based on the Koran.
After a plebiscite the national government created the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Naturally the ARMM top brass is composed of educated Muslims, mostly Tausogs and Maranaos which had lived in harmony with the Christians. The Magindanaos and some Maranaos of the former Cotabato province and some parts of Lanao formed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, wanted a greater ARMM calling it the Bangsa Moro with them on the driver's seat.
Strangely, the Arroyo government treated the MILF not as rebels but like a foreign power, with areas of influence in the Philippine territory complete with a central government and armed forces. Despite atrocities committed like harboring Abu Sayyaf terrorists and ambushing Marines, which penetrated into their claimed areas in pursuit of kidnappers, the government still kept them on the bargaining table. When the talks collapsed, the MILF forces went wild.
The move took the MILF central command by surprise. Since there was no formal declaration of the start of hostilities, the Armed Forces of the Philippines considered the forces of Ameril Umbra Kato, which went on rampage in North Cotabato and Abdurahman Macapaar, which committed atrocities in Lanao del Norte as MILF lost commands. Days later, Eid Kabalu admitted that those attackers were regular MILF forces.
Analysts would see that the MILF high command has no control over their field commanders. The MILF brass is just there under the sufferance of the combatants. Eid Kabalu, Al Hadj Murad and other MILF brass would not say they unleashed Kato and Macapaar after the talks collapsed. They know the consequences. Ilaga resurrection would give them a taste of their own medicine.
In the MILF there is no definite chain of command like that of any regular army.
Orders from the top are blatantly disregarded. Field commanders operate on their own. The relationships of other field commanders are only tactical alliances. Even during the course of the so-called peace talks, sporadic encounters occurred.
Arson, murder, robbery and murder continued. It is no duplicity but weakness on the part of the MILF top brass that allows those atrocities to happen.
Since there were no organized governments in the areas away from the sultanates, property rights were nonexistent. There was no personal property only tribal property. Slash and burn farming was practiced, when the land is no longer as productive as it was first farmed, the farmers moved elsewhere. When the Philippine government opened Mindanao for settlers, the landless from Luzon and Visayas either homesteaded or bought land from the natives for a pittance.
Braving tropical diseases, the settlers developed the land and prospered.
Christians came to Moroland first as traders. Some eventually settled as farmers.
The settlers did not establish themselves in the midst of the Muslim communities but acquired land at the fringes. Cordial relations existed and the Muslims seeing the faster upwards mobility of the more sophisticated settlers, emulated them, sending their children to schools. Many prospered but prosperity sometimes generate envy.
There are those who refused to adopt. Since local governments are always under the more educated Christians, they who styled themselves as the Moro National Liberation Front wanted a government of their own with laws based on the Koran.
After a plebiscite the national government created the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. Naturally the ARMM top brass is composed of educated Muslims, mostly Tausogs and Maranaos which had lived in harmony with the Christians. The Magindanaos and some Maranaos of the former Cotabato province and some parts of Lanao formed the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, wanted a greater ARMM calling it the Bangsa Moro with them on the driver's seat.
Strangely, the Arroyo government treated the MILF not as rebels but like a foreign power, with areas of influence in the Philippine territory complete with a central government and armed forces. Despite atrocities committed like harboring Abu Sayyaf terrorists and ambushing Marines, which penetrated into their claimed areas in pursuit of kidnappers, the government still kept them on the bargaining table. When the talks collapsed, the MILF forces went wild.
The move took the MILF central command by surprise. Since there was no formal declaration of the start of hostilities, the Armed Forces of the Philippines considered the forces of Ameril Umbra Kato, which went on rampage in North Cotabato and Abdurahman Macapaar, which committed atrocities in Lanao del Norte as MILF lost commands. Days later, Eid Kabalu admitted that those attackers were regular MILF forces.
Analysts would see that the MILF high command has no control over their field commanders. The MILF brass is just there under the sufferance of the combatants. Eid Kabalu, Al Hadj Murad and other MILF brass would not say they unleashed Kato and Macapaar after the talks collapsed. They know the consequences. Ilaga resurrection would give them a taste of their own medicine.
In the MILF there is no definite chain of command like that of any regular army.
Orders from the top are blatantly disregarded. Field commanders operate on their own. The relationships of other field commanders are only tactical alliances. Even during the course of the so-called peace talks, sporadic encounters occurred.
Arson, murder, robbery and murder continued. It is no duplicity but weakness on the part of the MILF top brass that allows those atrocities to happen.
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